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Offline Surly1

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"Fire and Fury": A Book Review
« on: January 11, 2018, 01:58:06 AM »
Reading this now.

"Fire and Fury": A Book Review

Written by

This book is a must-read for all Americans, especially those who vote.

I was anxious to get a copy. As soon as I had one, I finished reading it in one scoop - The book is fantastically well written, both in form and in content!


Please share this article - Go to very top of page, right hand side, for social media buttons.


Here is my overall assessment of the book:

1) The book damages President Trump, hugely.

2) The book was written largely from Steve Bannon's viewpoint, with a large amount of details about, and from, Mr. Bannon.

Why is there such a "nasty" book? Two main reasons:

1) Blame Mr. Bannon! After decisively helping Donald Trump win the Presidency, Mr. Bannon wanted to be the de facto President by all means, including inviting author Michael Wolff to be a long-time guest inside the White House, with no purpose other than writing favorably about Mr. Bannon.

2) Blame the President! The White House was indeed in total chaos. As a result, not only was Mr. Wolff's sneaky presence allowed, he eventually published this "insider" book.

I will highlight the book in four points as follows:

1) Three ideological branches.

2) "Let the kids go home".

3) Bannon on the Trump Presidency.

4) Bannon on himself.

Let me elaborate on each ...

1. Three ideological branches

The book is at its best in depicting the constant in-fights among the three ideological branches inside the White House: the alt-right represented by Steve Bannon, the New York Democrats represented by the "first children" (i.e. Kushner and Ivanka), and the Republican establishment represented by Paul Ryan and Mitch McConnel via Reince Priebus.

As a result, the President, who is responsible for the set-up and apparently enjoys being the power broker (or "the king"), has been almost totally consumed, unfortunately for America ...

2. "Let the kids go home"

Mr. Bannon hated the "first children" and wanted them to go home. I agree, for a reason different from Mr. Bannon's though.

Mr. Bannon wanted the "kids" to go home because they were competing for influence (and often winning). I want them to go home as a principle: we are a republic, not a monarchy. Below is an excerpt from the book (page 28):

His sons, Don Jr. and Eric—jokingly behind their backs known to Trump insiders as Uday and Qusay, after the sons of Saddam Hussein.

Need I say more?

3. Bannon on the Trump Presidency

Below is an excerpt from the book (page 206):

Steve Bannon was telling people he thought there was a 33.3 percent chance that the Mueller investigation would lead to the impeachment of the president, a 33.3 percent chance that Trump would resign, perhaps in the wake of a threat by the cabinet to act on the Twenty-Fifth Amendment (by which the cabinet can remove the president in the event of his incapacitation), and a 33.3 percent chance that he would limp to the end of his term. In any event, there would certainly not be a second term, or even an attempt at one.

I agree with this assessment.

4. Bannon on himself

Below is an excerpt from the book (page 206):

Less volubly, Bannon was telling people something else: he, Steve Bannon, was going to run for president in 2020. The locution, "If I were president ..." was turning into, "When I am president ..."

Still wondering "why and how" about this book?

5. Summary

Overall, this book has simply further confirmed what many have worried about President Trump: lack of experiences in public office or military before taking the top job in the nation!

The image below is worth more than 1,000 words. For more, read: Trump Administration 2.0.

Mr. Bannon is the primary source of this book, which is hugely damaging to the President. Yes, Mr. Bannon has totally betrayed the President! No, he must not be forgiven, no matter how hard he apologizes now (Steve Bannon issues lengthy apology walking back his explosive comments in the tell-all book)!

Here is the latest news: Bannon out at Breitbart. Bannon has got what he deserves!

6. Discussion

Not only did I vote for Donald Trump in the 2016 election, I also spelled out the path to historic greatness for him (An Open Letter To President-Elect Donald Trump). Unfortunately, he has not listened, yet.

No question, Donald Trump ran a brilliant campaign to win the American Presidency. But governance has proven much harder …

More broadly, this book further demonstrates the hopelessness of the American Presidency. Three informative readings:

1) American Presidency: Starting at Age 55-65!

2) Let's Redefine the American Presidency, Now (Version 3)!

3) American Presidency: Is It a Joke (III)?

7. Closing

Once again, this book is a must-read for all Americans, especially those who vote.

I continue to wish the best for President Trump ...

Page Code: 203 Count: 452
"It is difficult to write a paradiso when all the superficial indications are that you ought to write an apocalypse." -Ezra Pound

Offline RE

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Re: "Fire and Fury": A Book Review
« Reply #1 on: January 11, 2018, 02:25:02 AM »
Reading this now.

Did you download the FREE pdf copy from Wikileaks?

RE
SAVE AS MANY AS YOU CAN

Offline Surly1

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Re: "Fire and Fury": A Book Review
« Reply #2 on: January 11, 2018, 02:37:46 AM »
Reading this now.

Did you download the FREE pdf copy from Wikileaks?

RE

I have a downloaded copy that fell off a truck... Also ordered a hard copy from Amazon that should arrive today.
"It is difficult to write a paradiso when all the superficial indications are that you ought to write an apocalypse." -Ezra Pound

Offline RE

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Re: "Fire and Fury": A Book Review
« Reply #3 on: January 11, 2018, 02:48:57 AM »
Reading this now.

Did you download the FREE pdf copy from Wikileaks?

RE

I have a downloaded copy that fell off a truck... Also ordered a hard copy from Amazon that should arrive today.

The same truck was cruising around here.  ;D

I could only stomach reading about the first 20 pages.  It's just too pathetic.

RE
SAVE AS MANY AS YOU CAN

Offline Surly1

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Michael Wolff Says That Washington Will Bury Trump
« Reply #4 on: January 11, 2018, 03:29:28 AM »
Michael Wolff Says That Washington Will Bury Trump

By

January 10, 2018

Michael Wolff, the author shaking up D.C., says that he flouted the city’s “permanent establishment” to write his Trump White House tell-all, “Fire and Fury.” But does he really understand the place?

Photograph by Dan Callister / Alamy

While I was eating breakfast at the Four Seasons in Georgetown on Tuesday morning, a veteran Washington journalist stopped by my table to say hello. “Nice to see you,” Michael Duffy, a former editor at Time, deadpanned, with a grin on his face, before introducing himself as “Mark Berman, Washington Post.” As inside jokes go, it was pointed and perfectly timed. As everyone at the table knew by now, Mark Berman of the Washington Post has never been to the Four Seasons for breakfast, despite the fact that “Fire and Fury,” Michael Wolff’s new tell-all book about life in Donald Trump’s dysfunctional White House, says that he has.

For the past week, all of Washington—and, indeed, much of the country, judging by the book sales—had been reading, digesting, and debating the book, the ethics and accuracy of Wolff’s journalism, and the horrifying details about the naked-emperor-in-the-Oval Office President that he exposes. The book’s scathing portrait of an incompetent, incoherent, “semi-literate” wild man in the White House has, understandably, gotten most of the attention—especially since Trump took personal charge of the effort to discredit it. The news on Tuesday afternoon that one of Wolff’s main sources, the former White House chief strategist Steve Bannon, had lost his job running the conservative Web site Breitbart after his falling out with Trump was sure to keep the “Fire and Fury” tempest roiling.

Amid such an uproar, the matter of Mark Berman’s nonexistent breakfast at the Four Seasons hardly ranks. Still, even among the many errors in the book, some big and many small, this one stood out. It was the kind of mistake that only someone who doesn’t know Washington could have made—the kind of mistake that matters to a small handful of D.C. players. And it prompts readers to ask, If Wolff got the small things wrong, did he get the big things wrong as well? The Trump White House has seized on such mistakes to call into question the book’s damning, and mostly accurate, larger portrayal of this Presidency.

Wolff had the wrong Berman. His book’s account of a breakfast at the Four Seasons last February, when Trump’s daughter Ivanka dazzled the wary natives in their natural habitat, should have named Mike Berman, a heavy-hitting Democratic lawyer and lobbyist who arrived in Washington, in the nineteen-sixties, as an aide to Walter Mondale. In D.C. terms, mistaking a Washington fixture like Mike Berman for a young national reporter at the Post with the same last name is a pretty big deal. Washington is a village, a small town, a one-industry kind of place—and it takes itself very seriously. For at least the past couple of decades, breakfast at the Four Seasons has been the city’s canteen, its water cooler, the place to go when you want everyone to know whom you are having breakfast with. You can’t get the names wrong. That’s the whole point of the exercise.

When I called Wolff shortly after my breakfast at the Four Seasons to ask about the book and the controversies it has spawned, he proudly declared, “I am so not a member of this club.” A New York author and columnist previously best known for a scathing, insider-y takedown of the media mogul Rupert Murdoch, Wolff told me that, as he reported “Fire and Fury,” he had spent little time talking to, or worrying about, “the permanent establishment” of Washington.

He did not go to the Four Seasons for breakfast or to Georgetown cocktail parties for gossip. He said that he came down from New York, checked into the Hay-Adams Hotel, across Lafayette Square from the White House (where rooms, according to the Web site, start at more than three hundred dollars a night), and got to work, which by his account largely consisted of hanging out in the lobby of the West Wing of the White House, acting as a fly on the wall. Occasionally, Wolff allowed, he consulted with Mike Allen, the well-sourced journalist, whose daily e-mail newsletter for the Web site Axios often features leaks from the Trump Administration, as well as a “relatively small group of insiderish people, people who have been helpful to me.” But that, Wolff insisted, was it as far as his contacts with the permanent denizens of the Washington swamp that Trump promised to drain.

It’s clear that Wolff used his outsider status as a selling point with the members of the Trump team whom he persuaded to coöperate—and that they did so despite his long-standing willingness to break much crockery, and even basic rules of honesty and fairness, in the pursuit of a story. Go back and read Michelle Cottle’s 2004 profile of Wolff in The New Republic: she nailed it.

But, at least in public, Wolff affects an almost breezy disregard for indictments like Cottle’s—and such accounts didn’t stop major figures in the Trump White House, including the President himself, from talking with him. When I asked Wolff about the book’s factual errors, like the Berman mixup, he was dismissive, saying that he saw them as more or less irrelevant to the larger truths that he had told about Trump. Mostly, Wolff talked like a man who couldn’t help but marvel at his own good fortune: he’d written a book that he thought might just bring down the President—and he was making a killing.

Wolff pointed out that, as of the close of business on Monday, a million copies of the book had sold in just four days. “I’m going around saying, ‘It’s just a book,’ but it has become something so much larger,” he said, citing Trump’s attacks on the book and his failed attempt to prevent it from being published. “The President seems to think this book is some kind of significant threat, and that changes the context,” Wolff said. “Whereas with a regular book, a Mike Berman for a Mark Berman . . . would have been of no consequence whatsoever, now it’s suddenly a state question.”

But, I asked, what about the facts? Wolff’s attitude about them struck me as, well, a bit Trumpian. Would he fix mistakes in the next edition? “Yes, sure, the Bermans will be sorted out,” Wolff promised. But he still seemed to think that I was missing the point. “Fire and Fury” was like a Bob Woodward book, he insisted: a revelatory, scoopy backstage account of the White House with no sourcing or footnotes or explicit attribution. “The reader is basically going to have to trust me on that, or trust his own sense of, does this comport with everything else he knows?” Wolff said. “That’s how you get an inside portrait.”

Besides, Wolff added, all the second-guessing about details like who was at breakfast tended to obscure the fact that the book provides a vivid portrait of Trump based upon on-the-record quotes from formerly close advisers like Bannon and Katie Walsh, the former White House deputy chief of staff. Even Wolff’s critics seem to accept that his over-all portrayal of a dispirited, demoralized White House, where many senior aides loathed and feared their boss, was basically correct. I asked Wolff if he had started out planning to portray Trump so harshly. “I had no preconception,” he said. “I was perfectly willing to write a ‘Trump can be successful’ kind of thing, a contrarian view that is reasonably up my alley. Then I just started to listen to these guys, and they started to talk to me, and it was like, ‘Oh, God!’ These senior people say, ‘Do you have any idea what it is like to work for this man?’ ”

We spoke a few hours before Bannon lost his job at Breitbart, but already it was clear that Bannon was under enormous pressure because of the scathing insights he had shared with Wolff about the President and his hyper-entitled daughter Ivanka and son-in-law, Jared Kushner. I noted that Bannon had belatedly apologized to Trump, but that he did not deny any of the quotes that Wolff attributed to him. “He hasn’t disavowed anything,” Wolff said. “He can’t, and he’s not going to.” As Wolff sees it, Bannon’s gradually rising dismay is the real theme of the book: “I saw Steve grow more disillusioned and angrier about what was happening in the White House—about the kids, about the fact that Trump really had no allegiance to Trumpism, or Bannonism, or whatever you want to call it.”

In the end, Wolff said, he had concluded that Trump’s big failure was to keep thinking that what worked for him in New York would work in a very different sort of city. “Washington is an institutional town. Those institutions are going to rise up, and, in the end, they are going to crush this guy, or they are certainly not going to give way to this guy,” Wolff told me. “He plays a New York game, and the New York game is, I can sell you anything—all I have to do is get attention. He’s a real-estate hustler, and that works in New York.”

Wolff may have Trump’s number, one New Yorker to another. His reporting certainly comports with many of the accounts of the President that I’ve heard and read in the last year. But I came away thinking that Wolff would have benefitted from a bit more Washington in telling the story of Trump’s adventures in the Potomac swamp. It’s a unique subculture with world-class champions in self-serving, name-dropping, and other political sports; Wolff didn’t need to join the club to capture it better.

Take that Four Seasons breakfast that Wolff didn’t quite get right. I happened to be there on the morning of Friday, February 3, 2017, when Ivanka Trump, swathed in a tight, sleeveless sheath dress, high heels, and cocktail-party-voltage makeup, sent the normally staid room of pant-suited Washington lawyers and lobbyists into what can only be described as a tizzy. She was having breakfast with Dina Powell, a former Bush Administration official with impeccable Washington-establishment credentials, who had just started work with her at the White House, and Indra Nooyi, the C.E.O. of PepsiCo, who had been persuaded to join a new White House advisory council of business executives.

Wolff fails to note that Trump was eating with Nooyi, and there were at least three other errors in his short account of the meal, including the identification of the tycoon Wilbur Ross as Trump’s nominee for Secretary of Labor, rather than Commerce, and misspelling the first name of the Democratic pundit Hilary Rosen. Do those small errors matter? Maybe, maybe not. Wolff can fix the spelling and delete the sloppy little factual mistakes. Nobody was really hurt, and his basic point about the irony-laden spectacle was correct. The Post’sMark Berman will even get a free breakfast at the Four Seasons from his editor out of the mistake, he told me in an e-mail when I asked about the incident. (“According to a lot of friends I’ve heard from about this thing, the breakfast there is just stellar,” he wrote.)

But Wolff also missed out on what I thought was the morning’s most telling vignette: when Ivanka Trump finished breakfast and table-hopped around the room with Powell, who introduced her to the curious Washington heavyweights. Here was the literal, actual moment when the purportedly moderate Ivanka met the Beltway establishment—and it appeared as though the city might yet find a way to do what it does best, which is accommodate itself to power, even of the most unlikely sort.

Of course, it seems crazy to have thought so, even briefly, given where things stand now. Ivanka Trump, as I write this, is being savaged on Twitter for daring to think of herself as the progressive women’s advocate she used to be before her father arrived in the White House. The C.E.O. council that Nooyi joined disbanded after President Trump’s remarks about Charlottesville. Powell, once seen as the establishment’s voice within the White House, has quit in what her many friends around town say is dismay.

But that was all still to come on that February morning, when that breakfast still seemed to matter, when the swamp creatures still held out hope that this was merely an unusually bizarre Presidential transition and that the town would adapt to the new boss, as it did every four or eight years, no matter how quirky or outlandish.

The most dramatic scene of Ivanka Trump’s short visit to the Four Seasons came shortly after 9 a.m., when Trump and Powell said hello to three men seated at a table by the window. The dining room seemed to silence collectively, as if to overhear what was being said when Powell introduced Trump to the foreign-policy brain trust of her father’s vanquished opponent, Hillary Clinton. Tom Nides, who had served as Clinton’s Deputy Secretary of State, shook Ivanka’s hand, smiled, and made a joke. “This is the Resistance,” he said, referring to himself and his two breakfast companions: Jake Sullivan, who would have been Clinton’s national-security adviser, and Ben Rhodes, Barack Obama’s deputy national-security adviser and for years himself a scathing critic of the Washington establishment. “Good luck with that,” Ivanka cheerily joked back.

The friendly banter and smiling repartee by the President’s polished, liberal-seeming daughter looked so . . . normal. So Washington. It was exactly the sort of thing that you’re supposed to do at the Four Seasons for breakfast. Maybe, just maybe, the swamp creatures thought, things wouldn’t turn out so bad after all.

But, of course, Wolff’s book fills in the rest of the picture. There would be no normalizing this White House, unlike any that came before it. Ivanka and her husband, Jared—“Jarvanka” in Bannon’s unflattering nickname—would be blamed for some of the President’s most questionable decisions and overruled repeatedly when they tried to pull their father in a more moderate direction.

The moment may have been a fleeting one—but it was quickly recorded for posterity. Which may well be the point, after all, of going to breakfast at the Four Seasons. An item in Politico’s Playbook the next morning listed the names of twenty-two breakfasters, including Mike Berman. When another Politico colleague, Annie Karni, wrote a news story about the First Daughter’s networking breakfast a few days later, she was able to cite information from “more than half a dozen sources who were there.”

So, yes, a few more facts might have made Michael Wolff’s mind-blowing revelation of a book at least a bit better. And all he needed to do in this case was Google them.

Susan B. Glasser is a contributing writer for newyorker.com, where she writes a twice-monthly column on life in Trump’s Washington. She is Politico’s chief international-affairs columnist and the host of its weekly podcast, “The Global Politico.”
"It is difficult to write a paradiso when all the superficial indications are that you ought to write an apocalypse." -Ezra Pound

Offline Surly1

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Fire and Fury is out of stock everywhere.
« Reply #5 on: January 11, 2018, 03:38:03 AM »
Fire and Fury is out of stock everywhere. Blame a Depression-era publishing policy.

Publishing industry norms combined to lowball print runs.

By Constance Grady@constancegrady
Neil P. Mockford/Getty Images

Since its early release last Friday, Michael Wolff’s Fire and Fury has become the hottest book in the country. The book, which purports to reveal the toxic inner workings of the Trump White House, has flown off the shelves so quickly that there are few left: You can’t get a hard copy of Fire and Fury, well, basically anywhere.

Amazon is expecting a two- to four-week wait. Barnes & Noble warns customers that they won’t have the book back in stock until January 19. The New York Public Library has more than 1,000 holds on its 49 copies. Independent bookstores report that they sold out on the first day the book was available. The supply here is not coming anywhere close to meeting the demand.

Some commentators have suggested that’s because Wolff’s publisher, Henry Holt and Co., “botched” the rollout. “Holt’s struggles to keep up with demand have deprived thousands of readers of a book they want right away and likely cost significant sales,” wrote Alex Shephard at the New Republic, decrying Holt’s “flat-footed” response and calling the situation a “debacle.”

It’s true that Henry Holt and Co. significantly underestimated the demand for Fire and Fury. John Sargent, the CEO for Holt parent company Macmillan, has said that Fire and Fury had an initial print run of 150,000 copies, and that to keep up with demand, Henry Holt has begun a second print run of more than 1 million copies. “We would never have predicted [President Trump’s] statement and thus never have predicted the full scope of demand for the book,” Sargent said, referring to Trump’s threat to sue both Michael Wolff and Henry Holt for libel, which sparked such widespread interest in the book that Holt moved up the publication date from January 9 to January 5.

At the New Republic, Shephard argues that while Holt couldn’t have foreseen Trump’s threats, it should have known interest in the book would be high regardless. “Henry Holt not only had the first Game Change-style book about the Trump White House,” he writes, “but also an author who, unlike Game Change authors Mark Halperin and John [Heilemann], was more than willing to burn his sources.”

But the scales of publishing are set up to heavily encourage Holt to hedge its bets and err on the side of a lower print run. While it’s arguable Holt should have known it had a big hit on its hands, all of the business practices of the publishing industry would have discouraged it from starting out with a print run big enough to accommodate current demand.

Here’s how publishing works to keep print runs conservative, and how it led to you not being able to buy a hard copy of Fire and Fury anywhere.

In book publishing, megahit best-seller numbers look very different from those of ordinary best-sellers

Scales of success in book publishing are very, very quirky.

There are some books that become major cultural touchstones that everyone in the country wants to read and have an opinion on — your Harry Potters and your Fifty Shades of Greys. Those books sell millions of copies and are wildly in demand.

But those books are vanishingly rare. Most books, including most best-sellers, are not major cultural touchstones. They might be well-respected, well-reviewed, and well-read, but that usually means sales in the range of hundreds of thousands, at best, not in the millions.

In 2014, the two best-selling books of the year were true cultural events: The Fault in Our Stars, which sold 1.2 million copies over the course of the year, and Gone Girl, which sold just under a million.

The third-best-selling book of the year? Awful Auntie, a children’s book that sold just over half a million copies.

Which means that the difference between the third-best-selling book of the year and the No. 1 best-selling book of the year can be more than 500,000 books, an increase of 100 percent.

That’s a ridiculous level of variance! How can anyone possibly predict that a book, even a book you truly believe in, will be a No. 1 best-seller with a justified print run of a million-plus copies, rather than a No. 3 best-seller, better served by a more conservative print run of several hundred thousand copies?

When Fire and Fury got an initial print run of 150,000, it was a show of confidence. It suggested that Holt believed it could enter into respectable best-seller range, maybe even third-best-selling-book-of-the-year range. Holt just wasn’t confident that the book was No. 1best-seller-of-the-year material.

And it had good reason to be cautious. Because if publishers get it wrong and overestimate their print runs, the economic ramifications can be painful.

An outdated Depression-era returns policy means publishers have to print low

Book publishing’s returns policy is different from that of almost every other industry. Essentially, if a bookstore doesn’t sell all its copies of a book, it can return unsold copies to the publisher for full credit, regardless of their condition, and the publisher will pay the shipping costs.

“Imagine that Best Buy had the right to return all its flat-screen TVs to the manufacturer, at cost,” a publisher once told me bitterly, “and it didn’t matter if they all had their screens kicked in. And then the manufacturer was like, ‘Sure, we’ll pay for the trucks.’”

In practice, that means that the major booksellers, particularly Amazon and Target, will often over-order books on the off chance they might need them, and then return them a few months later to the publisher, having lost nothing but the cost of processing and briefly storing the books. (Indie bookstores, with their limited space, tend to order more conservatively.)

It’s a Depression-era policy that never quite got updated, NPR reported in 2008: “During the Great Depression, publishers were looking for a way to encourage booksellers to buy more books and to take a chance on unknown authors. So they offered bookstores the right to return unsold books for credit.”

Now the policy is thoroughly entrenched in the way publishers and booksellers do business. And that means that when publishers are figuring out how many copies of a book to print, they have to figure that roughly 20 to 30 percent of the books they print will come back to them as returns. So if you’re a publisher, you have to plan on eating the cost of two or threebooks for every 10 you sell — plus shipping — and then somehow figure out how to still make a profit.

All of which means that print runs are already inflated just to cover the returned books that publishers don’t expect to sell. If you overestimate demand for a book and print too many copies, you just burden yourself with even more excess inventory that you need to pay to store, on top of the excess inventory already coming in from bookstore returns.

All of this is to say that in an industry as quirky and illogical as book publishing — a business run by English majors — the incentive to lowball a print run is strong. Henry Holt and Co. may have botched the release of Fire and Fury, but it had an entire industry’s worth of norms pushing it to do so.

"It is difficult to write a paradiso when all the superficial indications are that you ought to write an apocalypse." -Ezra Pound

Offline knarf

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Re: "Fire and Fury": A Book Review
« Reply #6 on: January 11, 2018, 04:47:34 AM »
Reading this now.

Did you download the FREE pdf copy from Wikileaks?

RE

Same here. I didn't find anything very surprising in it. It just confirmed what many journalists were writing about Trump and company. I thought there might be some "whopper" of a new story in it, but that was not to be. I, like you read about a chapter or two, and then skimmed the rest. I don't see any minds changing very much on what people think of Trump and company after the read.
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Re: "Fire and Fury": A Book Review
« Reply #7 on: January 11, 2018, 04:56:21 AM »
Sounds like it drives nails into the coffin of any Bannon POTUS hopes, at least. That's a win. Bannon being kicked off Breitbart is a win.

I have questions.

If Priebus is out and Bannon is out, why is it that the "first children" didn't predominate more? I'd say the probable answer is that the Kochs and the Mercers are firmly in charge now, pulling Trump's puppet strings? Whaddya think?

Primarily, it just sounds like the kind of book one would expect about such a mixed-up buffoon being turned loose in the halls of power.
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Offline Surly1

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Re: "Fire and Fury": A Book Review
« Reply #8 on: January 11, 2018, 08:12:31 AM »
Reading this now.

Did you download the FREE pdf copy from Wikileaks?

RE

Same here. I didn't find anything very surprising in it. It just confirmed what many journalists were writing about Trump and company. I thought there might be some "whopper" of a new story in it, but that was not to be. I, like you read about a chapter or two, and then skimmed the rest. I don't see any minds changing very much on what people think of Trump and company after the read.

For me, the biggest story was that the Trump campaign fully did not expect to win, and the entire shit show was a marketing campaign for the Trump brand. You see this by page 20.
"It is difficult to write a paradiso when all the superficial indications are that you ought to write an apocalypse." -Ezra Pound

Offline knarf

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Re: "Fire and Fury": A Book Review
« Reply #9 on: January 11, 2018, 11:46:53 AM »
Reading this now.

Did you download the FREE pdf copy from Wikileaks?

RE

Yea, that was the best part. They were all excited about losing! :)

Same here. I didn't find anything very surprising in it. It just confirmed what many journalists were writing about Trump and company. I thought there might be some "whopper" of a new story in it, but that was not to be. I, like you read about a chapter or two, and then skimmed the rest. I don't see any minds changing very much on what people think of Trump and company after the read.

For me, the biggest story was that the Trump campaign fully did not expect to win, and the entire shit show was a marketing campaign for the Trump brand. You see this by page 20.
HUMANS ARE STILL EVOLVING! Our communities blog is at https://openmind693.wordpress.com

 

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