AuthorTopic: Election Errata  (Read 112618 times)

Offline Eddie

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Re: 🗳️ Uncle Joe is a Groper
« Reply #960 on: March 30, 2019, 10:49:09 AM »
Uncle Joe can kiss his chances for the nomination goodbye.  #MeToo will take him out.

RE

https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2019/3/29/18241598/joe-biden-lucy-flores-touching-women-media-history-explained

Lucy Flores isn’t alone. Joe Biden’s got a long history of touching women inappropriately.


Joe Biden delivers a speech in Dover, Delaware, on March 16, 2019. Bastiaan Slabbers/NurPhoto via Getty Images

The media gave Biden a pass for years. It won’t in 2020.


By Laura McGannlaura.mcgann@vox.com Mar 29, 2019, 5:15pm EDT

Democrat Lucy Flores was preparing to give one of her final stump speeches in a race for lieutenant governor in Nevada when she felt two hands on her shoulders. She froze. “Why is the vice-president of the United States touching me?” Flores wondered.

Flores recounts her experience with Joe Biden in a first-person essay for New York Magazine, describing an incident in 2014 where Biden came up behind her, leaned in, smelled her hair, and kissed the back of her head.

“Biden was the second-most powerful man in the country and, arguably, one of the most powerful men in the world. He was there to promote me as the right person for the lieutenant governor job. Instead, he made me feel uneasy, gross, and confused.”

New York Magazine reached out to a Biden spokesperson, who declined to comment.

Flores’s experience isn’t unique. It is no secret in Washington that Biden has touched numerous women inappropriately in public. It’s just never been treated as a serious issue by the mainstream press.

Biden’s been caught on camera embracing a female reporter from behind and gripping her above her waist, just below her bust. At a swearing-in ceremony for Defense Secretary Ash Carter, Biden put his hands on the shoulders of Stephanie Carter, Carter’s wife, and then leaned in and whispered into her ear. (He’s whispered into many women’s ears.) He’s also touched women’s faces and necks during other photo ops. Once at a swearing-in ceremony for a US senator, he held the upper arm of the senator’s preteen daughter, leaned down and whispered into her ear, as she became visibly uncomfortable. Then he kissed the side of her forehead, a gesture that made the girl flinch.

It’s all out in the open. News outlets wrote about these incidents. But the stories ran under light-hearted headlines like, “Photo of famously friendly Joe Biden goes viral” or “Here’s Joe Biden being Joe Biden with Ash Carter’s wife” or “Joe Biden: Sex symbol?,” a piece that I edited and now regret.

Ideological media outlets did write some critical pieces during the Obama era. At the Federalist, Mollie Hemingway questioned whether liberals would tolerate the same conduct from a conservative. At Talking Points Memo, Alana Levinson criticized liberals for giving him a pass.

But, overall, Biden got a pass from the political media.

Times have changed. Reporters now would look twice at a new politician who is handsy on camera. They’d ask questions about it and likely look into his private conduct. And women like Flores are taking big risks and speaking out.

Biden avoided scrutiny in the past, but if he wants to be the next president he’ll face pressure to account for his actions.
Joe being Joe

The Onion satirized Biden in 2009 in a viral article that cemented Biden’s image of a lovable everyman.

Real Biden remembers his working-class Scranton roots. Onion Biden washes his Trans Am on the White House lawn. Real Biden is handsy with women. Onion Biden is a womanizer: ‘Hey, hot stuff, looking good,’ [Onion] Biden told a passing aide. ‘Would you know where I could get a little bucket and sponge action? My mean machine needs to be cleaned.’

The images bled together over the years into the persona of Uncle Joe. When he dropped an F-bomb on a live mic, it was a classic Joe moment. When he made one of his many gaffes, it got added to numerous lists written in good fun. And when he did kind of creepy things to women at public events, well, that was just Joe being Joe, too.

All of those frames made appealing pitches just a few years ago. Editors would be happy to get a “lovable Uncle Joe strikes again” story. The environment is not the same now. Certainly the media is not nearly perfect when it comes to covering gender and power. But in the era of #MeToo, there is far less appetite for a story that makes light of a candidate behaving badly toward women.

As Flores writes, this conduct matters. “I’m not suggesting that Biden broke any laws, but the transgressions that society deems minor (or doesn’t even see as transgressions) often feel considerable to the person on the receiving end. That imbalance of power and attention is the whole point — and the whole problem.”

This is especially true in a context where Biden will be running against several women as well as defending a decades-long record of policymaking that’s involved past positions at odds with current Democratic Party orthodoxy.
Biden once said a woman should not have the “sole right to say what should happen to her body”

Biden, 76, arrived in Washington at the age of 30. His substantial public record includes a mixed history on women’s issues, a legacy that makes his in-person conduct even more worthy of discussion.

Lisa Lerer unpacked his history on abortion for the New York Times, reporting that Biden, who is now pro-abortion rights, has not been a solid liberal on the issue for his whole career.

In the Reagan era, Biden voted for a bill in committee that the National Abortion Rights Action League called “the most devastating attack yet on abortion rights.” Biden, who is Catholic, said at the time: “I’m probably a victim, or a product, however you want to phrase it, of my background.” He called the decision “the single most difficult vote I’ve cast as a U.S. senator.”

Biden also held the opinion that the Supreme Court went “too far” in deciding Roe v. Wade. In an interview in 1974, he said he did not think a woman should have the “sole right to say what should happen to her body.”

Biden declined to speak with Lerer for her article, so we don’t know exactly how and why he evolved on Roe. A spokesperson for Biden did not respond to an email asking for comment.

In his years in Washington, though, Biden has voted for pro-abortion rights bills. He’s championed the Violence Against Women Act. And he’s spoken forcefully about the problem of sexual violence.
Democrats need to figure out whether they want to clean house

If Biden runs, he’ll occupy a lane in the Democratic primary as the “normal” candidate — a likable white guy who won’t lose it on Twitter, or pander to Russia, or throw children in cages at the border.

As Democrats grapple with the intense desire to beat Trump in 2020, many are anxious that a woman will have a tough time beating him because of sexist attitudes still held by some voters. Perhaps, the thinking goes, it’s better to go with the kind of leader that Americans are used to. Biden, who was in office for eight years under Obama, could fit that bill.

But Biden would still have to present a clear contrast to Trump. While Biden has not been accused of sexual assault (as Trump has a dozen times) and there are no tapes of Biden on the Internet joking about grabbing women by the genitals, there are tapes of Biden behaving inappropriately. One man’s behavior is far worse, but that doesn’t excuse the other.

Democrats are conflicted about what to do about this category of behavior. It’s not the same as what other men of the #MeToo movement have bee accused of, but it’s also not what liberals want to endorse. Sen. Al Franken’s resignation is still controversial for this reason. Some Democrats feel the party is putting itself at a disadvantage against Republicans, who let the president get away with far worse than any accusation Franken faced.

Flores confronts the issue of whether some bad behavior is okay, forcing us to consider what these seemingly small incidents are really like. “The vice-president of the United States of America had just touched me in an intimate way reserved for close friends, family, or romantic partners — and I felt powerless to do anything about it.”

The Democratic Party is more than half women. More women than ever in history ran as Democrats in the 2018 elections — and won. They outperformed their male peers. They were central to Democrats retaking the House. Women are leading the sustained resistance to Trump. The party should be committed to making sure that women and girls participate in government and politics to their fullest potential. The party needs them.

The question is whether the party needs a president who disrespects them.

Is that the question? I would dispute that. What the party needs is a CANDIDATE who has a snowball-in-hell's chance of being elected. Articles like this are just evidence of a splintered party continuing to cannibalize itself.

The Party (i.e. the Dem elites) love Biden because he will do what he's supposed to do. That's the only reason he's even in the running. Most of the other candidates are too unpredictable and dangerous for the people who RUN the party and raise all the money.
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Offline RE

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🗳️ What Beto’s Weird Teenage Poetry Tells Us About His Politics
« Reply #961 on: March 31, 2019, 03:41:42 AM »
https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2019/03/30/what-betos-poetry-tells-us-about-his-politics-226338


Culture Club
What Beto’s Weird Teenage Poetry Tells Us About His Politics

Before he ran for president, a young Beto O’Rourke dabbled in criticism, fiction and more. And he wasn’t half bad.

By VIRGINIA HEFFERNAN

March 30, 2019


Virginia Heffernan is a contributing editor at WIRED, columnist for the Los Angeles Times, host of Slate’s “Trumpcast” and author of Magic and Loss: The Internet as Art.

Politics are ablaze today with both savage indignation and misty sentimentality. With “the future of the republic” and “justice itself” on the line in every Twitter battle, it seems unlikely that anyone would propose that a dose of irony could help lighten the mood. But … a dose of irony could lighten the mood.

Great news for us apathetic types born around Woodstock and Watergate: No need to dig up Thomas Pynchon or an Alanis Morissette CD. Look no further than Beto O’Rourke’s recently revealed teen involvement in the Cult of the Dead Cow, America’s original cell of computer hacktivists. The rad cDc, founded in 1984 in a slaughterhouse in Lubbock, Texas, was an ironic project par excellence—by turns infantile, enraged and bleeding-heart.

O’Rourke’s membership, which was exposed by Reuters and gamely confirmed by the candidate himself, surely reflects his libertarian-skater proclivities, which he flaunts to this day. But, while O’Rourke did use the Cult’s resources to cop some free long distance, it turns out at the cDc he was less pirate than poet. As the group’s old posts reveal, he mostly saw the cDc’s online board as a zine, where, under the pen name Psychedelic Warlord, he could pop off on alternative music or write indie experiments. O’Rourke doesn’t have a campaign memoir yet, but the presidential candidate now better known for winding Medium posts also has some online juvenilia that’s worth a look.

What do Beto’s musings reveal about him as a politician? “Self-invention” was a watchword of the 1980s and ’90s, with all it implied about the fictions of identity, and Beto was no stranger to persona-shuffling—then as now. In his adolescent oeuvre, he tried his hand as a critic, punk and journalist. As time went on, he experimented as a musician, outlaw, idealist, family man, skater, fundraiser, politician and, maybe, leader of the free world.

But is Beto the writer any good? Sure, he was in high school, and his stuff is mostly record reviews and snark. But never mind the bollocks. O’Rourke genuinely understands genre and tone; he’s economical and makes good words work hard; he’s playful and takes chances; he can deftly conjure odd worlds, especially interior ones; he’s recessive—or maybe afraid to commit—as a narrator; he steers clear of the projection and judgment that muck up the work of many young essayists.

Reader, he had me at the opening paren. Yes, O’Rourke used ASCII, a retro affectation that brings the top-shelf nostalgia in O’Rourke’s poem “The Song of the Cow,” which features this mini-moo-sterpiece:

((___))
[ x x ]
\ /
(` ')
(U)

That use of clashing symbols for nostrils, suggesting that one is more flared that the other! And, of course, the x-ed out eyes that conjure the slaughterhouse! O’Rourke’s teen stylings suggest the hand of a bona fide artist. Or at least a little nerd fleetingly willing to rethink Texas iconography. Then, off he goes into a pastoral poem that tackles the topic of butts or bollocks. “Wax my ass,” reads the verse, which turns liturgical in rhythm. “Scrub my balls. / The Cow has risen. / Provide Milk.” Cow has died. Cow is risen. As we approach Easter, we might consider the paschal cow to be O’Rourke’s radical critique of the paschal lamb. Cow will come again. Alleluia. Devastating commentary on the resurrection.

While it has fewer balls, another stanza caught my attention for its evocations of Nathanael West’s 1931 The Dream Life of Balso Snell, in which the hero searches for meaning strolling around inside the entrails of a Trojan Horse. O’Rourke writes:

Oh, Milky wonder, sing for us once more,
Live your life, everlusting joy.
Thrust your hooves up my analytic passage,
Enjoy my fruits

Thrust your hooves up my analytic passage—come on, that’s not bad. It works well as an ultranerdy answer to Bruce Springsteen’s manly, earnest innuendo from the then-loathed 1970s: “Strap your hands ’cross my engines.” “Everlusting” is a nice neologism in a countryside poem that doesn’t shy from evoking eternity and bestiality at once. It’s hard to remember how important irony—not just snideness and polyester coveralls, but what Richard Rorty called “liberal irony”—was to Gen-X slackers. O’Rourke was never going to let himself be seen lolling around like a farm boy writing hymns to country life and milkmaids. But, like all young poets from William Wordsworth to Bob Dylan, he also wanted to try his hand at a traditional lyric. Irony, and the elastic space of the brand-new internet, let O’Rourke come to romance at a punk angle.

Then there’s a more vicious short story by O’Rourke as Psychedelic Warlord, “Visions from the Last Crusade.” O’Rourke’s metal title fails, but the story begins, elegantly, in the “catacombs” of the narrator’s head, wherein a hallucination unfolds. In short order, the narrator realizes: “My one and only goal in life became the termination of everything that was free and loving.” Hoo boy. This is where things become a little bit manifesto-like, but what the hell. O’Rourke’s narrator goes on a killing spree, and—OK, yeah—he starts mowing down children. He keeps this up, lays to waste 38 people, evades the police—and is pleased with himself.

“Visions from the Last Crusade” is more reverie than story. It comes across as an Edgar Allen Poe tribute, with maybe an Anthony Burgess tribute rising. As a dramatic monologue, it also borrows some logic that recalls—don’t @ me—the seductive and fiendish voices in Robert Browning. O’Rourke’s killer-narrator’s delusions are not banal: When he spots his first soon-to-be victims looking carefree, he decides, “this happiness and sense of freedom were much too overwhelming for them.” Their happiness, he goes on, “was mine by right. I had earned it in my dreams.” Maybe not a campaign slogan—“your happiness is mine by right”?—but not bad, if you like online satirical murder fantasies of 1988.

What other genres did O’Rourke test out at the cDc? In 1990, he contributed to the collective a recounting of a gruesome dentist appointment that’s surprisingly dull in spite of plenty of gums and gore. (He must have liked this conceit, though, as he reprised it in January, filming his dental hygienist, Diana, as she spoke about her experiences at the U.S.-Mexico border—and cleaned O’Rourke’s teeth.) A 1989 piece called “Ultra-Trendies” is endearing for its very ’90s calibration of who is authentically punk and who isn’t; those who know all the lines in Sid and Nancy—and listen to nothing but the Sex Pistols—are, says Beto, phonies. (I sense our hero protests too much here—he’s off to Columbia in a year.) In another cDc piece, a Q&A from 1988, O’Rourke and his pal Arlo Klahr, with whom O’Rourke would start a punk band called Foss, interrogate a self-described Nazi and KKK member. Mostly, they just let him ramble, denying the Holocaust, praising the leadership of Hitler and defending neo-Nazis as loving Christians. O’Rourke and Klahr are nonconfrontational in the extreme. At the bottom of the page, they give an El Paso address for anyone who wants to mail away for the tape of the interview. A Google search suggests that the house at that address once belonged to Pat Francis O’Rourke, Beto’s father.

“A Feature on Money,” from 1987, is my favorite O’Rourke from the Cult of the Dead Cow years. Yes, another negligible title. Still, the piece, a short essay, is much more sincere than the others. O’Rourke, for all he gives goth an occasional go, is just not a very dark person. And while his essay is supposed to be “radical”—arguing for a world without money—it’s really just a comfort. Turns out Beto, like anyone but a demented oligarch or the American president, is skeptical of the claim that greed is a virtue. He proposes, with all the ingenuousness of a teenager, that we “slowly take the United States off the world market, and then slowly phase out our own money markets.”

O’Rourke now insists he’s a “capitalist,” but his cDc writing suggests he can still throw down with the best of the Occupy-trained lefty foes of Wall Street. And in his essay, the sweet, slow process of obliterating the American economy has some damn good effects: “This would slowly bring the upper and middle classes of people in America together.” Who doesn’t want to all be together, without the stress of … money? I’m in.

At the bottom of “A Feature on Money,” I found the Cult’s usual libertarian contempt for copyright (“All rights worth shit—and duefully [sic] so”), but also a number to call. The idealistic Beto—the man who by force of sheer charisma can rally Americans to donate millions of dollars in 24 hours—really did want to start a movement back then! “Remember, we are the next generation, and will soon rule the world,” he wrote. I dialed up the 915 number. I figured if O’Rourke the aged hacktivist still knows how to monkey with telephony, maybe he routed that old number to his campaign headquarters. No dice. It was a law firm in El Paso, Texas. I was too not-punk to prank them. But then I reverse-searched the number online and found that, at least at some point, it belonged to none other than Pat Francis O’Rourke.

Early Beto hits the spot if you’re feeling nostalgic for the days of debates among punks or the interface of early web boards, but if you want to find one real radical cell in O’Rourke, you’re out of luck. It seems O’Rourke—minor indie showoff turned normcore candidate for president—once thought his fellow Americans might consider money the root of all evil. And he hoped we could actively converse about it, if we just called his dad.
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Offline RE

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🗳️ Joe Biden gets a Reality Check
« Reply #962 on: March 31, 2019, 08:18:57 AM »
https://www.politico.com/story/2019/03/30/joe-biden-2020-candidate-1244375


Former Vice President Joe Biden has been reminded in short order of the lingering questions he’ll need to address. | Cindy Ord/Getty Images

2020 elections
Biden blindsided by dose of 2020 reality

The former vice president slogs through a rough stretch as he considers a third bid for the White House.

By MARC CAPUTO

03/30/2019 01:05 PM EDT

Updated 03/30/2019 01:29 PM EDT

Joe Biden is enduring the roughest stretch of any candidate in the Democratic presidential primary, and he’s not even a candidate yet.

In a two-week period where his attempts to smooth a path into the 2020 race only seemed to underscore the obstacles confronting his prospective candidacy, the former vice president got a concentrated dose of what’s in store for him if he chooses to embark on a third run for the White House.

The hardest hit came Friday, when Lucy Flores, Nevada’s Democratic nominee for lieutenant governor in 2014, stepped forward to say she was made uncomfortable by Biden’s attentions that year when he was too physical with her at a campaign event.

“He proceeded to plant a big slow kiss on the back of my head,” Flores wrote in a publication called The Cut. “My brain couldn’t process what was happening. I was embarrassed. I was shocked. I was confused.”

From that encounter to his ongoing apology tour for the way he handled sexual harassment allegations against Justice Clarence Thomas to an awkward float about a possible running mate to mounting questions about his son’s business dealings in Ukraine, Biden has been reminded in short order of the lingering questions he’ll need to address. Namely, whether there is a place for a 76-year-old white male career politician in a historically broad and diverse field of candidates, and whether his long career in public service has left him with a record that is out of sync with a party that’s rapidly moving leftward.
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“Biden’s record is at odds with where the Democratic party is in 2020,” said Rebecca Katz, a progressive consultant who advised Cynthia Nixon's primary campaign against New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo. “Primaries are tough, and Joe Biden, when you’re this old and running for president, you have a pretty long record for people to go through.”

Biden’s spokesman, Bill Russo, indicated that Friday’s allegation was a surprise.
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“Neither then, nor in the years since, did he or the staff with him at the time have an inkling that Ms. Flores had been at any time uncomfortable,” Russo said in a written statement, “nor do they recall what she describes.”

But a picture from the event also shows Biden also burying his nose in the hair of actress and activist Eva Longoria. Katz, a former staffer in the U.S. Senate — where Biden had served for 36 years before becoming President Obama’s vice president in 2009 — said it was easy to believe Flores’ accusations.

“The thing that’s so challenging for team Biden is that everything that Lucy Flores said seems very, very true,” Katz said. “There’s literally highlight reels of Biden, whether it’s with world leaders or granddaughters of incoming members of Congress, doing things that seem a little off — on camera.”

Cristobal Alex, a Biden adviser referenced anonymously in Flores’ account, said in a statement that he felt “sucker-punched and surprised” when he read the essay. He contended that Flores misrepresented a private conversation with him and that her recollection of the event did not match his.
Lucy Flores and Joe Biden

2020 elections
Former Nevada lawmaker accuses Biden of inappropriate kiss

By KATIE GALIOTO

Still, the rise of the #MeToo movement, and a trove of videos and photos have placed Biden under fresh scrutiny. While Biden’s Democratic critics make sure to add that there’s no comparison with the record of President Trump — who has been accused by multiple women of sexual harassment and once said in a hot-mic moment that he could grab and kiss women because “when you’re a star, they let you do it” — they also concede the focus on Biden’s overly familiar style will make it more difficult to draw a sharp contrast with Trump.

Yet that isn’t all Biden is contending with. Three days before Flores went public, Biden was busy expressing regret for his treatment of another woman of color involving a different sexual harassment issue: The 1991 Senate Judiciary Committee hearings he chaired in 1991, in which Anita Hill accused Clarence Thomas of improper behavior.

“She paid a terrible price. She was abused through the hearing,” Biden said of Hill during the Biden Courage Awards ceremony in New York. “To this day, I regret I couldn’t get her the kind of hearing she deserved.”

The attempts to tackle the Anita Hill issue, however, have so far failed to put the issue behind him — despite what amount to public apologies, Biden continues to draw criticism for not taking personal responsibility for his handling of the hearings, and for not apologizing directly to Hill.

Democratic pollster Joel Benenson, who was the chief strategist for Obama’s and Hillary Clinton’s presidential campaigns, noted that “the public is going to be the ultimate arbiter of whether the regret and whether what he says on this issue is sufficient.”

Sandwiched between those two flaps was a third concerning 2018 Georgia Democratic gubernatorial candidate Stacy Abrams, who appeared on two television shows to shoot down rumors she would join Biden’s ticket as a running mate before he cinched the nomination.

The trial balloon, which appeared to come from Biden’s inner circle, didn’t have the intended effect. Far from generating excitement about the prospect of introducing an element of youth and diversity to his prospective bid, the float smacked of desperation.

A Biden spokesman denied that there were “discussions on a pre-cooked ticket,” calling them ”false, plain and simple.”

Benenson sounded surprised by the rumors that Biden advisors wanted to pick Abrams as a running mate before he even announced.
Joe Biden

2020 elections
Poll: Biden, Bernie, Beto lead Democratic pack

By CARLA MARINUCCI

“Voters ultimately do not like gimmicks. They also, I believe, don’t like the presumption of announcing your vice presidential choice before you’re the nominee,” Benenson said. “Iowa and New Hampshire are retail politics on steroids. And for you to suggest that you are looking past them and deciding who your vice president should be? I think it plays wrong.”

Republicans were gleeful at the prospect of Biden either making the move or being so flat-footed that he didn’t suppress the rumors fast enough because it made him look weak.

“This is consultant malpractice,” said Florida GOP Congressman Matt Gaetz, a top Trump defender and surrogate. “Either they actually considered this as a trial balloon and didn’t realize how bad it made Biden look or they didn’t get in front of it to shoot it down because they wanted it to be true ... We hope he gets in the race and we hope he’s the Democrats’ nominee.”

Republicans and Democrats alike are already laying the groundwork to face Biden by examining the business deals of his son, Hunter Biden, when Biden was vice president. It’s an issue of such grave concern to Joe Biden, who lost his other son Beau Biden to cancer, that he has told close associates it’s a major factor in deciding whether to run.

To start off the week, the conservative website One America News Network featured a report Monday about Hunter Biden’s ties to a Ukrainian oligarch and a natural-gas company in 2014, an arrangement that was also criticized a year later in a New York Times editorial.

As with the allegations lodged by Flores against Biden, the former vice president must not only determine how to respond, but also how to answer critics who will say Hunter Biden’s business interests make it harder for Biden as a nominee to contrast his record with Trump on the question of ties to Russia.

Trump’s defenders, who have blamed Ukrainian intelligence for some of the Trump-Russia stories, say they look forward to making Democrats pay for it if and when Biden enters the race.

“I’m pretty confident Joe Biden will be called out by his presidential primary competitors for his son getting rich off a corrupt Ukrainian oligarch’s gas company,” said Michael Caputo, a former Trump campaign consultant and top Trump defender.

He pointed to a connection with Trump’s former campaign manager that should make Democrats uneasy.

“Wait till they find out Hunter Biden’s oligarch is from the same political party Paul Manafort consulted in Ukraine,” he said. “Old ‘Lunch Bucket Joe’ would be smart to not even get in the race.”
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Offline Eddie

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Re: Election Errata
« Reply #963 on: March 31, 2019, 10:57:33 AM »
Biden can't get the nomination unless he shifts to some kind of more socialist message, which I can't see him doing. But he will (if he runs) be the man to beat, because he is the Party chosen hack. I give even money odds between him, Beto, and whichever woman of color gets the most support, not sure whether that would be Gabbard or Harris....looks like one of those two.

 Maybe OAC if she campaigns in a bikini. Maybe she could do some pole dancing on the campaign trail. We obviously need a new lower common denominator in American politics.

<a href="http://www.youtube.com/v/FI5yvdaMIPU&fs=1" target="_blank" class="new_win">http://www.youtube.com/v/FI5yvdaMIPU&fs=1</a>

Trump will get votes by promising things he can't deliver and lying constantly, as he has done for more than 3 years (with no discernible downside).

The Republican machine will attack socialism as some kind of money grab from the "middle class" (whatever that is). It will probably drive the evangelicals, no-nothings, and Catholics even closer in alignment as they unite to save America from communism one more time (can I get a hallaleujah?).

Trump's minions will invent some privatized  insurance conduit scheme to replace the Affordable Care Act (Obama's one decent accomplishment). It will be the lowest level of coverage you can imagine, with lots of people shut out, and the corporations will feast on the corpses.

Immigration will be an even bigger issue than in the last election, because those of us who quietly pointed out that maybe unlimited immigration isn't the best plan were right. And even Democrats will start to get scared by the exodus from central America, as it gets bigger and bigger and turns into a massive problem.

Trump can run on The Wall, and he'll get more votes than he did before.

The Dems have their work cut out for them.

The Russia Collusion thing was never real, as I pointed out two years ago, and Mueller did exactly what I thought, which was to keep the scope of his investigation very narrow and overlook Trump's many non-collusion-related crimes.

On the final looting of the commons. Let the devil take the hindmost.



« Last Edit: March 31, 2019, 11:06:09 AM by Eddie »
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🗳️ Joe Biden's Al Franken problem
« Reply #964 on: April 01, 2019, 03:49:35 AM »
If Uncle Joe is smart, he'll respectfully decline to run.

RE

Joe Biden's Al Franken problem
by Philip Klein
 | March 30, 2019 11:48 AM


Joe Biden has an Al Franken problem.

Though he hasn't even officially announced he's running for president, on Friday Biden was hit with the first of what could be more #MeToo accusations. Lucy Flores, a former Nevada assemblywoman, wrote that in 2014, when she was seeking office and Biden was still vice president, he smelled her hair and then planted an unwanted kiss on the back of her head.

The problem for Biden is similar to the one faced by Franken when he was forced to resign from the Senate: Descriptions of misconduct are more believable when consistent with visual evidence.
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In the case of Franken, who several women accused of groping them, we had a photo in which he mocking groped a sleeping Leeann Tweeden when the two were touring together for the USO. The existence of the photo made it impossible for Franken or his defenders to dismiss Tweeden or other female accusers.

In Biden's case, there is not just photo evidence, but video evidence of him acting creepily among younger women as VP. His antics of rubbing women's shoulders at events, sniffing their hair, and pecking at them has been the subject of YouTube compilations for years. There's also a photo of Biden planting his nose in the hair of actress Eva Longoria at the same fundraiser in which Flores said he took liberties with her.

At the time he was vice president, many conservatives were frustrated by the fact that these incidents were dismissed as just crazy Ole Uncle Joe doing his thing. Among others, my friend and occasional Washington Examiner contributor Karol Markowicz called him out and said his antics should not be tolerated.

Had Biden quietly faded into the sunset after leaving office, he probably would have gotten away with it. However, now he's expected to seek the Democratic nomination in the first election since the #MeToo era began, and he currently is atop polls, and so his rivals are coming for him and the media are much less likely to overlook his problem.

Given how much awkwardness we've seen publicly from Biden, it would be surprising if Flores were the only woman to come out and say he made her feel uncomfortable, and the ample visual evidence of him acting creepy will make it hard to dismiss any accusers.
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Re: 🗳️ Joe Biden's Al Franken problem
« Reply #965 on: April 01, 2019, 07:47:18 AM »
If Uncle Joe is smart, he'll respectfully decline to run.

RE

Joe Biden's Al Franken problem
by Philip Klein
 | March 30, 2019 11:48 AM


Joe Biden has an Al Franken problem.

Though he hasn't even officially announced he's running for president, on Friday Biden was hit with the first of what could be more #MeToo accusations. Lucy Flores, a former Nevada assemblywoman, wrote that in 2014, when she was seeking office and Biden was still vice president, he smelled her hair and then planted an unwanted kiss on the back of her head.

The problem for Biden is similar to the one faced by Franken when he was forced to resign from the Senate: Descriptions of misconduct are more believable when consistent with visual evidence.
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In the case of Franken, who several women accused of groping them, we had a photo in which he mocking groped a sleeping Leeann Tweeden when the two were touring together for the USO. The existence of the photo made it impossible for Franken or his defenders to dismiss Tweeden or other female accusers.

In Biden's case, there is not just photo evidence, but video evidence of him acting creepily among younger women as VP. His antics of rubbing women's shoulders at events, sniffing their hair, and pecking at them has been the subject of YouTube compilations for years. There's also a photo of Biden planting his nose in the hair of actress Eva Longoria at the same fundraiser in which Flores said he took liberties with her.

At the time he was vice president, many conservatives were frustrated by the fact that these incidents were dismissed as just crazy Ole Uncle Joe doing his thing. Among others, my friend and occasional Washington Examiner contributor Karol Markowicz called him out and said his antics should not be tolerated.

Had Biden quietly faded into the sunset after leaving office, he probably would have gotten away with it. However, now he's expected to seek the Democratic nomination in the first election since the #MeToo era began, and he currently is atop polls, and so his rivals are coming for him and the media are much less likely to overlook his problem.

Given how much awkwardness we've seen publicly from Biden, it would be surprising if Flores were the only woman to come out and say he made her feel uncomfortable, and the ample visual evidence of him acting creepy will make it hard to dismiss any accusers.

Not sure if this kills Biden off, but I think we can say for sure Lucy Flores will not be his choice for a VP running mate.
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🗳️ Trump Laid a Trap on Immigration—And Only O’Rourke Sees It
« Reply #966 on: April 01, 2019, 08:13:56 AM »
With Biden getting HAMMERED by #MeToo, Beto's star is rising.  Now he just has to wipe up Bernie.

RE

https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2019/04/beto-orourke-has-way-out-trumps-immigration-trap/586201/

Trump Laid a Trap on Immigration—And Only O’Rourke Sees It

Most Democrats are playing into the president’s hands on border security, but the ex-congressman has a different idea.
6:00 AM ET
Peter Beinart
Professor of journalism at the City University of New York


Beto O'Rourke speaks with supporters at an anti-Trump rally in El Paso, Texas, his hometown.Loren Eliott / Reuters


Beto O’Rourke isn’t known for his wonkish heft. But in his formal announcement for president on Sunday, the former Texas congressman offered one of the most important policy proposals of the nascent presidential campaign: He argued that to solve America’s problems at the border, America’s leaders must “help people in Central America where they are.” In so doing, he began laying a foundation to effectively rebut Donald Trump on his signature issue: immigration.

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Every major Democratic presidential candidate decries Trump’s actions at the border. In her announcement speech, Kamala Harris called his policy of putting “children in cages” a “human-rights abuse,” and his proposed border wall a “medieval vanity project.” In hers, Elizabeth Warren said that under Trump, America’s “immigration system … lacks a conscience.” Amy Klobuchar used her announcement to demand “comprehensive immigration reform.” In his, Bernie Sanders called for a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants already in the United States and “a humane border policy for those who seek asylum.”

O’Rourke’s competitors are right to demand a fairer and more humane system for evaluating asylum claims. But an improved asylum system won’t reduce the number of people fleeing violence in Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador—Central America’s “Northern Triangle.” To the contrary, the better chance migrants have of gaining asylum, the more likely they are to seek it.
More by Peter Beinart

    Joe Biden
    Nobody Knows Anything About ‘Electability’
    Peter Beinart
    Beto O'Rourke
    Secular Democrats Are the New Normal
    Peter Beinart
    Tucker Carlson
    How Bigotry Made a Dove Out of Tucker Carlson
    Peter Beinart
    Bernie Sanders
    It’s Foreign Policy That Distinguishes Bernie This Time
    Peter Beinart

Reihan Salam: Beto O’Rourke was right, and Democrats might not forgive him

All of which plays into Trump’s hands. His core argument is that only by treating asylum seekers brutally—making it harder for them to apply, raising the standard of proof for their claims, and even separating them from their children—can the United States deter them from coming. By chastising Trump for his brutality without offering their own strategy for reducing migration, Democrats are walking into a trap. They’re allowing him to frame the immigration debate as a choice between harsh policies that stop Central American migration and humane policies that encourage it.

By addressing the roots of the migration problem, O’Rourke’s proposal evades Trump’s trap. The migrant “caravans” that Trump demonizes hail from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, where a brutal fight between organized-crime cartels has driven violence to levels that, according to the humanitarian group Doctors Without Borders, are unprecedented outside a war zone. In 2015, when the organization asked Northern Triangle migrants in Mexico why they had left their countries, 39 percent cited threats of physical harm.

American aid can reduce this violence and the migration it creates. In 2014, the Latin American Public Opinion Project at Vanderbilt University released a study of a U.S. Agency for International Development program aimed at improving public safety in El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Panama. USAID funded job training and community policing, paid to install streetlights and remove graffiti, and according to the Vanderbilt researchers, “51 percent fewer surveyed residents reported being aware of murders in their neighborhoods” than “we would expect to see without USAID interventions.”

Read: The Beto odyssey

Michael Clemens, co-director of migration, displacement, and humanitarian policy at the Center for Global Development, then analyzed U.S. government statistics on the 179,000 unaccompanied children from the Northern Triangle picked up by U.S. Customs and Border Protection agents over a six-year period. Comparing murder rates in a given Salvadoran, Honduran, or Guatemalan town with the rates of apprehended migrant children, he found that “a decline of 10 homicides in an average municipality of this region caused six fewer children from there to be apprehended at the U.S. border.” His ultimate conclusion: “Projects financed by U.S. aid have been shown to reduce violence in the region, and that violence is a major driver of illegal migration.”

Trump wants Americans to view Central American asylum seekers as marauding invaders, heading north to fleece America’s welfare system and rape and murder its people. By focusing on the actual conditions in Central America, O’Rourke can tell a different story: Central Americans aren’t migrating to commit violence but to flee it. Thus, Trump’s recent call to cut off American aid to El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala as punishment for migration is epically stupid. It’s stupid because aid is America’s best tool for reducing the violence that leads Central Americans to migrate in the first place. By linking immigration to foreign policy, O’Rourke can do what his competitors can’t: credibly promise to treat asylum seekers more justly while also reducing their numbers.

Critics lampoon O’Rourke as light on government accomplishments and policy detail. But so far, he is the only person putting Latin America at the center of his foreign-policy agenda—which is where it belongs. Sanders, Warren, Harris, and Klobuchar didn’t mention Central America in their announcement speeches. The region was absent from Warren’s essay last year for Foreign Affairs. In a foreign-policy speech in 2017, Sanders decried America’s cold-war coup in Guatemala but said nothing about American policy toward the region today. In a foreign-policy address last year, he didn’t discuss Central America at all. The clearest exception is Joe Biden, who in 2018 penned an op-ed titled “The Border Won’t Be Secure Until Central America Is.”

Read: Is Beto the front-runner or already a flop?

As a resident of a border town, O’Rourke is fortunate in his life experience. The issue he understands best, immigration, is the one Trump has placed at the heart of American politics. Warren and Sanders, who have thus far driven the policy debate among the Democratic presidential field, are focused above all on the way the ultrarich corrupt America’s economic and political system. They could almost be running against Mitt Romney. By contrast, O’Rourke, of all the major Democratic hopefuls, is best positioned to challenge Trump on his signature theme: nationalism.

In his announcement speech, O’Rourke quoted Martin Luther King Jr.’s line about individuals being bound together in a single “garment of destiny.” But he implied that this mutuality links Americans not only to one another but also to their southern neighbors. In so doing, he hinted at an internationalist narrative that might counter Trump’s nativist and nationalist one. In his bicultural and bilingual hometown of El Paso, while speaking in both English and Spanish, he imagined the United States helping itself by helping Central America. Thus, in a party still struggling to respond to Trump’s brutal and unconventional approach to immigration and foreign policy, O’Rourke suggested a way to counter them both.

We want to hear what you think about this article. Submit a letter to the editor or write to letters@theatlantic.com.
Peter Beinart is a contributing editor at The Atlantic and a professor of journalism and political science at the City University of New York.
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Re: Election Errata
« Reply #967 on: April 01, 2019, 08:23:15 AM »
Quote
Not sure if this kills Biden off, but I think we can say for sure Lucy Flores will not be his choice for a VP running mate.

You are kidding right?  One could get the idea pompous Joe was thinking he could make a run but the Democratic party powers that be want another minority running and are shutting him down early.  Making women uncomfortable weirdness even came over TV, good for him Biden was not seen much.



These are the candidates for person of the year or sum such at Time magazine.  How many white men do you see?  Trump is one and Bezos is actually a large featherless avian.  Species unknown. 

This was about shutting Biden down early.  The idea that karma from his  faux-gropings was waiting behind a bush salivating for the chance to get justice on Joe and bring him down for making women who didn't want to give it up uncomfortable is ludicrous.
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Re: Election Errata
« Reply #968 on: April 01, 2019, 08:30:20 AM »

You are kidding right?  One could get the idea pompous Joe was thinking he could make a run but the Democratic party powers that be want another minority running



Sorry, Kamala doesn't have the bankroll.  I predict an All-White ticket of Beto-Liz.

RE
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Re: Election Errata
« Reply #969 on: April 01, 2019, 12:30:14 PM »
Quote
Not sure if this kills Biden off, but I think we can say for sure Lucy Flores will not be his choice for a VP running mate.

You are kidding right?  One could get the idea pompous Joe was thinking he could make a run but the Democratic party powers that be want another minority running and are shutting him down early.  Making women uncomfortable weirdness even came over TV, good for him Biden was not seen much.




These are the candidates for person of the year or sum such at Time magazine.  How many white men do you see?  Trump is one and Bezos is actually a large featherless avian.  Species unknown. 

This was about shutting Biden down early.  The idea that karma from his  faux-gropings was waiting behind a bush salivating for the chance to get justice on Joe and bring him down for making women who didn't want to give it up uncomfortable is ludicrous.

He can still run, he just has one more nagging thing to worry about if he does.

We have a duly elected POTUS now whom we know fucked around on his wife with a pornstar while said wife was pregnant, and who paid off the pornstar ....and we know that he actually tricked the owner of the National Enquirer into buying off another woman he was fooling around with...... a Playboy bunny. Said he'd pay him back...and then TRump welshed, according to the story I read.

Joe B. could say he just likes to grab women's tits instead of going for their pussies. It's all in the way you lie about it, apparently. Imagine how much fun old Joe could have chasing AOC around the campaign bus if he picked her for a running mate. She might be socialist, but she does have bodacious ta-tas....Just sayin.
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Re: 🗳️ Trump Laid a Trap on Immigration—And Only O’Rourke Sees It
« Reply #970 on: April 01, 2019, 01:24:24 PM »
With Biden getting HAMMERED by #MeToo, Beto's star is rising.  Now he just has to wipe up Bernie.

RE

https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2019/04/beto-orourke-has-way-out-trumps-immigration-trap/586201/

Trump Laid a Trap on Immigration—And Only O’Rourke Sees It

Most Democrats are playing into the president’s hands on border security, but the ex-congressman has a different idea.
6:00 AM ET
Peter Beinart
Professor of journalism at the City University of New York


Beto O'Rourke speaks with supporters at an anti-Trump rally in El Paso, Texas, his hometown.Loren Eliott / Reuters


Beto O’Rourke isn’t known for his wonkish heft. But in his formal announcement for president on Sunday, the former Texas congressman offered one of the most important policy proposals of the nascent presidential campaign: He argued that to solve America’s problems at the border, America’s leaders must “help people in Central America where they are.” In so doing, he began laying a foundation to effectively rebut Donald Trump on his signature issue: immigration.

Sign up for The Atlantic’s daily newsletter.

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Email Address (required)

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Every major Democratic presidential candidate decries Trump’s actions at the border. In her announcement speech, Kamala Harris called his policy of putting “children in cages” a “human-rights abuse,” and his proposed border wall a “medieval vanity project.” In hers, Elizabeth Warren said that under Trump, America’s “immigration system … lacks a conscience.” Amy Klobuchar used her announcement to demand “comprehensive immigration reform.” In his, Bernie Sanders called for a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants already in the United States and “a humane border policy for those who seek asylum.”

O’Rourke’s competitors are right to demand a fairer and more humane system for evaluating asylum claims. But an improved asylum system won’t reduce the number of people fleeing violence in Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador—Central America’s “Northern Triangle.” To the contrary, the better chance migrants have of gaining asylum, the more likely they are to seek it.
More by Peter Beinart

    Joe Biden
    Nobody Knows Anything About ‘Electability’
    Peter Beinart
    Beto O'Rourke
    Secular Democrats Are the New Normal
    Peter Beinart
    Tucker Carlson
    How Bigotry Made a Dove Out of Tucker Carlson
    Peter Beinart
    Bernie Sanders
    It’s Foreign Policy That Distinguishes Bernie This Time
    Peter Beinart

Reihan Salam: Beto O’Rourke was right, and Democrats might not forgive him

All of which plays into Trump’s hands. His core argument is that only by treating asylum seekers brutally—making it harder for them to apply, raising the standard of proof for their claims, and even separating them from their children—can the United States deter them from coming. By chastising Trump for his brutality without offering their own strategy for reducing migration, Democrats are walking into a trap. They’re allowing him to frame the immigration debate as a choice between harsh policies that stop Central American migration and humane policies that encourage it.

By addressing the roots of the migration problem, O’Rourke’s proposal evades Trump’s trap. The migrant “caravans” that Trump demonizes hail from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, where a brutal fight between organized-crime cartels has driven violence to levels that, according to the humanitarian group Doctors Without Borders, are unprecedented outside a war zone. In 2015, when the organization asked Northern Triangle migrants in Mexico why they had left their countries, 39 percent cited threats of physical harm.

American aid can reduce this violence and the migration it creates. In 2014, the Latin American Public Opinion Project at Vanderbilt University released a study of a U.S. Agency for International Development program aimed at improving public safety in El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Panama. USAID funded job training and community policing, paid to install streetlights and remove graffiti, and according to the Vanderbilt researchers, “51 percent fewer surveyed residents reported being aware of murders in their neighborhoods” than “we would expect to see without USAID interventions.”

Read: The Beto odyssey

Michael Clemens, co-director of migration, displacement, and humanitarian policy at the Center for Global Development, then analyzed U.S. government statistics on the 179,000 unaccompanied children from the Northern Triangle picked up by U.S. Customs and Border Protection agents over a six-year period. Comparing murder rates in a given Salvadoran, Honduran, or Guatemalan town with the rates of apprehended migrant children, he found that “a decline of 10 homicides in an average municipality of this region caused six fewer children from there to be apprehended at the U.S. border.” His ultimate conclusion: “Projects financed by U.S. aid have been shown to reduce violence in the region, and that violence is a major driver of illegal migration.”

Trump wants Americans to view Central American asylum seekers as marauding invaders, heading north to fleece America’s welfare system and rape and murder its people. By focusing on the actual conditions in Central America, O’Rourke can tell a different story: Central Americans aren’t migrating to commit violence but to flee it. Thus, Trump’s recent call to cut off American aid to El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala as punishment for migration is epically stupid. It’s stupid because aid is America’s best tool for reducing the violence that leads Central Americans to migrate in the first place. By linking immigration to foreign policy, O’Rourke can do what his competitors can’t: credibly promise to treat asylum seekers more justly while also reducing their numbers.

Critics lampoon O’Rourke as light on government accomplishments and policy detail. But so far, he is the only person putting Latin America at the center of his foreign-policy agenda—which is where it belongs. Sanders, Warren, Harris, and Klobuchar didn’t mention Central America in their announcement speeches. The region was absent from Warren’s essay last year for Foreign Affairs. In a foreign-policy speech in 2017, Sanders decried America’s cold-war coup in Guatemala but said nothing about American policy toward the region today. In a foreign-policy address last year, he didn’t discuss Central America at all. The clearest exception is Joe Biden, who in 2018 penned an op-ed titled “The Border Won’t Be Secure Until Central America Is.”

Read: Is Beto the front-runner or already a flop?

As a resident of a border town, O’Rourke is fortunate in his life experience. The issue he understands best, immigration, is the one Trump has placed at the heart of American politics. Warren and Sanders, who have thus far driven the policy debate among the Democratic presidential field, are focused above all on the way the ultrarich corrupt America’s economic and political system. They could almost be running against Mitt Romney. By contrast, O’Rourke, of all the major Democratic hopefuls, is best positioned to challenge Trump on his signature theme: nationalism.

In his announcement speech, O’Rourke quoted Martin Luther King Jr.’s line about individuals being bound together in a single “garment of destiny.” But he implied that this mutuality links Americans not only to one another but also to their southern neighbors. In so doing, he hinted at an internationalist narrative that might counter Trump’s nativist and nationalist one. In his bicultural and bilingual hometown of El Paso, while speaking in both English and Spanish, he imagined the United States helping itself by helping Central America. Thus, in a party still struggling to respond to Trump’s brutal and unconventional approach to immigration and foreign policy, O’Rourke suggested a way to counter them both.

We want to hear what you think about this article. Submit a letter to the editor or write to letters@theatlantic.com.
Peter Beinart is a contributing editor at The Atlantic and a professor of journalism and political science at the City University of New York.

It's a real issue, immigration. The Democrats have come down on the wrong side of it because they're too devoted to their own false narrative about how this Great Nation is a melting pot and diversity is such a fine, desirable quality.

Meanwhile, the numbers of semi-illiterate Hondurans and Guatemalans standing at the gate is growing. If it wasn't a real crisis when Trump seized on it as his favorite club to beat the shit out of Democrats, it is becoming a very real problem now.

What we need to help the refugees with is some birth control. Maybe put ads on Guatemalan TV explaining the benefits of moving to Bolivia or Argentina. I'm sure nothing material will be done to fix the banana republics. We only exploit.

But the refugees might as well be new Trump voters, the way its working out.
« Last Edit: April 01, 2019, 04:18:49 PM by Eddie »
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🗳️ Second woman accuses Joe Biden of unwanted touching
« Reply #971 on: April 02, 2019, 02:26:56 AM »
Time to pile on Uncle Joe!



RE

https://www.cnn.com/2019/04/01/politics/biden-second-accusation/index.html

Second woman accuses Joe Biden of unwanted touching
Arlette Saenz


By Kyle Blaine and Arlette Saenz, CNN

Updated 5:21 PM ET, Mon April 1, 2019
Lucy Flores

(CNN)A second woman has come forward in an interview with a Connecticut newspaper to allege that former Vice President Joe Biden touched her inappropriately.

Amy Lappos told the Hartford Courant on Monday that Biden pulled her in to rub noses with her at a 2009 fundraiser in Greenwich, Connecticut. Biden was vice president at the time.

"It wasn't sexual, but he did grab me by the head," Lappos, who was then an aide to US Rep. Jim Himes, told The Courant. "He put his hand around my neck and pulled me in to rub noses with me. When he was pulling me in, I thought he was going to kiss me on the mouth."
CNN has reached out to Lappos for further comment.

In response to Lappos' allegation, a spokesperson for Biden referred CNN to a statement the former vice president issued on Sunday.
"In my many years on the campaign trail and in public life, I have offered countless handshakes, hugs, expressions of affection, support and comfort," Biden said in a statement. "And not once -- never -- did I believe I acted inappropriately. If it is suggested I did so, I will listen respectfully. But it was never my intention."

Lappos is the second woman to publicly allege Biden touched them in an inappropriate manner. Lucy Flores, a former Democratic politician in Nevada, said on Friday that Biden made her feel "uneasy, gross, and confused" in 2014 when, at a campaign rally, she said he kissed her on the back of the head.

In her interview with the Courant, Lappos said she didn't file a complaint because he was the vice president.

"There's absolutely a line of decency. There's a line of respect. Crossing that line is not grandfatherly. It's not cultural. It's not affection. It's sexism or misogyny," she said.
The accusations against Biden come as he considers a bid for president in 2020. He is expected to announce his decision as soon as this month.
A longtime Biden ally told CNN's Jeff Zeleny on Sunday there were no signs the former vice president was reassessing his 2020 plans in the wake of the allegations, but cautioned Biden had still not made a final decision.

After Flores went public, some of Biden's potential 2020 competitors addressed the allegations, with many of them expressing that they believed Flores.
"I think what this speaks to is the need to fundamentally change the culture of this country and to create environments where women feel comfortable and feel safe and that's something we have got to do," Sen. Bernie Sanders said Sunday on CBS' "Face the Nation."

Also over the weekend, former Biden staffers came to his defense in response to Flores' essay.
Kendra Barkoff Lamy, who worked for the former vice president, tweeted, "As a former staffer for @JoeBiden and also someone who works on women's issues, I can say unequivocally that I was never uncomfortable with how he treated me or other women. He dedicated his career to women's empowerment, safety & equality. That's one reason why I worked for him."
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🗳️ Beto O’Rourke’s Rorschach Candidacy
« Reply #972 on: April 02, 2019, 03:55:22 AM »
Is Beto The ONE?  :o

<a href="http://www.youtube.com/v/Vy7RaQUmOzE" target="_blank" class="new_win">http://www.youtube.com/v/Vy7RaQUmOzE</a>

Man, is he ever getting some good press or WHAT?

RE

https://www.newyorker.com/news/dispatch/beto-orourkes-rorschach-candidacy

Dispatch
Beto O’Rourke’s Rorschach Candidacy
The former Texas representative offers a New South vision of political centrism.

By Emily Witt

5:00 A.M.

Beto O’Rourke’s Rorschach Candidacy

The former Texas representative offers a New South vision of political centrism.

Throughout a full day of speeches, Beto O’Rourke offered a set of policy goals to which voters can refer.

Photograph by Bill McCullough for The New Yorker

For his 2020 Presidential campaign, Beto O’Rourke has repurposed the logo from his Senate campaign, which ended a little less than five months ago. It’s an image of his nickname, in white-on-black sans-serif font, stark, with three black stripes on either side, to hint at the national flag. Close observers have noted its resemblance to the spicy-ketchup labels at Whataburger, the local fast-food franchise where Beto ate so much during his Senate campaign that people started showing up to his rallies with offerings of fresh fruit. Something about its kerning recalls the Old West, but the font could be on the menu of a subway-tiled nouveau-barbecue joint in Austin or the business card of a tech entrepreneur at South by Southwest. When I look at it, I think of things that you sometimes see in the sleek and gaudy cities of Texas, like a group of bachelorettes eating chips and salsa out of a giant Martini glass on a patio, warmed by the glow of outdoor space heaters. The logo speaks of strings of lights over picnic tables in dirt yards, of migas, scrambled eggs with flour tortillas, of a bar with sawdust on the floor and a mechanical bull. It’s the black of crude oil and the black of a photovoltaic cell and the black of the column of smoke from the Intercontinental Terminals chemical fire that spewed benzene into the air of the Houston suburbs a few weeks back. It is, like Beto himself, an image you can project onto.

By his own admission, O’Rourke plummeted into a period of darkness after losing his Senate race to Ted Cruz, on November 6th. He took to journaling on the Web site Medium, then headed out on a solitary road trip, posting about the people he met and the pancakes he ate. On a day when he didn’t interact with many people, he experienced what he described as “low altitude.”

“Maybe I’d been hoping for some kind of connection that day and hadn’t found it,” he wrote, about a lonely day in Kansas. “All the conversations had been pleasant, everyone was kind, but there hadn’t been anything more than that.” In February, he was a guest at one of “Oprah’s SuperSoul Sunday Conversations from Times Square” and, between repeating bits of his campaign speeches, said, “I felt a profound disappointment in myself, that I had let so many people down.”

A few weeks later, O’Rourke announced his candidacy for the Presidency and regenerated the road-tripping, hand-shaking energy vortex of his Senate campaign. In twenty-four hours, he managed to raise more than six million dollars without posting a single policy position on his Web site. In March, he went on an eight-state “listening tour.” Having listened in all the counties of New Hampshire; on a road trip across Iowa; over lunch, at a restaurant called Drake’s, with the mayor of Columbia, South Carolina; and at Taqueria Arandas in Las Vegas, Nevada, O’Rourke returned to Texas on Saturday. He began his day in El Paso, with a speech and a rally at 10 a.m., then flew across the state to Houston, where he spoke at around six in the evening, before driving the two and a half hours to Austin.

After this day of speeches, O’Rourke now has a set of policy goals to which voters can refer. They include expanding access to Medicare, requiring universal background checks for gun buyers, instating universal pre-kindergarten and a fifteen-dollar minimum wage, recruiting more teachers of color, addressing the rise in maternal mortality rates, ending the prohibition on marijuana and the war on drugs, and signing a new voting-rights act into law.

But what came through most throughout the day was how little running for national office has changed his approach. Here O’Rourke was, doing what he had done for nearly all of 2018, still dressed in a blue button-down shirt, khakis, and sometimes, especially if he was on a college campus, a baseball cap, still live-streaming himself driving the long Texan highways. His speech in El Paso showed a new emphasis on supporting unions, addressing inequality, and vague promises to bring broadband to rural America and help every farmer “make a profit,” but the speech I saw in Houston had many of the same anecdotes, catchphrases, and uplifting lines as the stump speech he was delivering at the end of his Senate campaign, last fall. Major political campaigns are exercises in repetition, but O’Rourke is now well into his second year of doing this particular roadshow as a full-time job. He left the impression that either he had been running for President all along or that he was still running for senator, or that his unlucky fate as a nationally viable Democratic candidate from a stubbornly red state would condemn him to a Sisyphean struggle of alternately trying for both for the rest of his life.

Each stop on O’Rourke’s Texas tour made a point: El Paso is his home town and allows him to present himself as President Trump’s principal adversary on the border. Austin, with its technology startups and music scene, is O’Rourke’s most obvious constituency. Houston’s demographics have the most national resonance: it is a Southern city in a Republican-voting state, growing in population, with as many languages spoken as in Queens, New York, and with a large Democratic base of African-American voters. O’Rourke has rightly been credited with helping to flip two Houston and Dallas-area House districts to Democrats in the 2018 midterms, and before he spoke in Houston he met with some of the seventeen Internet-famous African-American women who were elected judges in Harris County. Part of the promise of O’Rourke’s Presidential campaign is that he could also get out the vote in Atlanta, or Nashville, or the cities of North Carolina. To campaign like he’s running for President of Texas is to run for President of the whole New South.

The Houston rally was at Texas Southern University, a historically black college in Houston’s Third Ward. The school was a popular stop on political campaigns; Kamala Harris had passed through a week before, drawing an estimated twenty-four hundred people, according to the Texas Tribune. The crowd in front of the Martin Luther King, Jr., Humanities Center on Saturday was only in the hundreds, but it was also O’Rourke’s third time visiting the campus in a little more than a year. A giant American flag had been set up as a backdrop, and the top of the steps had been populated with Texas Southern students, some pulled from the crowd. The Imani School Choir sang “Lift Every Voice and Sing” in their crisp uniforms of white and cherry red, and the Pledge of Allegiance was gravely delivered by a small boy in a suit and a tie. The audience was of mixed heritage and, like O’Rourke himself, looked ready to resume the frenzy of political organizing that had peaked last fall. Representatives from the National Organization for Women staffed a voter-registration table. The line for T-shirts was long.

For his supporters the continuity was reassuring. They mixed their new “Beto 2020” caps with their old “Beto for Texas” T-shirts. Beto T-shirts are not like Hillary Clinton T-shirts. They were not incinerated in despair the night O’Rourke lost his bid to unseat Ted Cruz. A Beto T-shirt has a futures market; it still sparks joy.

Video From The New Yorker

The Immigrants Deported to Death and Violence

Shayna Cohen, a stay-at-home mom from Houston, had doctored her old Beto for Senate lawn sign with a taped piece of paper that had the word “PREZ” scrawled on it in black marker. Cohen had come with her mother, her husband, and her sister. As she talked to me about O’Rourke, she teared up with emotion. He had galvanized a moribund party, she said. “We almost went blue, and that’s been completely unheard of for a really long time,” she said. Cohen is thirty-one, and last fall was her first time voting in a midterm election. “We know he’s meant for something bigger.”

“It was a good thing that he didn’t win for senator, because it was all part of the plan,” Joyce Williams, a clerk with the Soil and Water Conservation District, said. She had taken a bus for four and a half hours, from Longview, Texas, as part of a delegation of the Democratic Women of East Texas. Williams stood with her friend Nona Snoddy, a special-education teacher, also of Longview, dancing to the snare drums of a local high-school marching band.

“We’re in a double red county, so we never had hope, and then we saw us within three percentage points,” Williams said. “Now we’re waiting for a second chance, and this time we’ve got a game plan.” She started clapping.

“We knew,” Snoddy said.

“We’re on fire now.”

“It can happen.”

“We saw some blood in the water.”

“We’re circling.”

They laughed at themselves.

“In Texas, Beto is going to make us vote,” Kathleen Nixie, of Galveston, who came to the rally dressed in the white dress and gold sash of a suffragette, said. She tried to get her business cards out of her purse while wearing her dainty white gloves. “He has inspired the young people.” She handed me the card, which advertised her services as “kites, sewing, labyrinths, storytelling.” She added that she is also a deputized voter registrar in Galveston County.

Many people told me how “respectful” they found O’Rourke. They praised his inclusive message, his positivity, and his relative youth. He avoids the politics of fear and anger and shares Barack Obama’s laid-back good manners and picture-perfect nuclear family. His supporters code him as a friendly neutral.

“He’s the most moderate Democrat,” Rashmi Gupta, who came to see him with her grown daughter, said. Gupta lives in the Woodlands, which is famous for being one of the most Republican places in Texas. She had hosted a party at her house to watch the El Paso speech that morning and had even invited a few Republican friends. In his day of speeches, O’Rourke had not said “Medicare for All,” “Green New Deal,” or “abolish ICE.” His policy goals don’t recommend systemic overhauls, and one advantage of having lost his election is that he is not in a position of having to vote on specific legislation. I asked if O’Rourke’s relative vagueness on policy bothered her. “I think he’s wise not to put all his cards on the table right now,” she said.

Others were still forming opinions. I spoke with two brothers, Ryan and Jordon Nickerson; Jordon said that he was, at the moment, deciding between Kamala Harris, Beto O’Rourke, Bernie Sanders, and Elizabeth Warren. Ryan came to the rally not only to evaluate the candidate but because he’s the managing editor of the student newspaper at Texas Southern University. “Unlike the other candidates, he hasn’t really talked about his policy,” Ryan said. “Especially the women candidates, that’s all they’ve been talking about.” It’s early still, but O’Rourke has yet to propose anything as specific as Warren’s plan for an “ultra-millionaire’s tax” on people earning over fifty million dollars a year, or Harris’s plan to give every teacher a $13,500 raise. He did, on Monday, announce that as President he would sign an executive order requiring his Cabinet to hold monthly town halls—more touring.

After his speech, O’Rourke did what he always does on a campaign stop, and made his way into the crowd with his wife, Amy, to meet people and pose for photographs. His supporters clustered closer, and, every time that O’Rourke looked like he was waving goodbye, they lifted their arms en masse and waved back. Finally, he tore himself away, getting in the car to drive to Austin, where another crowd awaited him, in view of the state capitol.

The weather, which had been warm and sunny in the afternoon, had since turned cold and windy. Darkness was falling, and the crowd dispersed quickly. As I walked to the parking lot, I again encountered Joyce Williams and Nona Snoddy, who were walking back to their bus. I asked what they had thought of the speech.

“It’s always exhilarating,” Snoddy said. “If you come in a frame of mind with some sense of doubt and despair, he gives you hope. His speeches are always just spot-on.”

“I think that with the culture in the House of Representatives now, the culture’s young, energetic, bold, off the map, brazen, I said brazen,” Williams said. “They need a leader, because they are absolutely . . .”

“Unafraid!”

“Unafraid.”

“He’s getting us into the future.”

“Let me just go with this for a minute,” Snoddy said. “We say God is not giving us the spirit of fear but the spirit of power, and that’s where we are right now. He gives us that hope that we all can be empowered to do the things we need to do, together.”

They waved goodbye and got back on the bus to Longview.

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Offline K-Dog

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Re: Election Errata
« Reply #973 on: April 02, 2019, 08:31:26 AM »
Quote
He left the impression that either he had been running for President all along or that he was still running for senator, or that his unlucky fate as a nationally viable Democratic candidate from a stubbornly red state would condemn him to a Sisyphean struggle of alternately trying for both for the rest of his life.

Sort of looks like a Kennedy and he believes in everything I used to believe in thirty years ago.

Enough Democrats remain to reward his efforts.  For me unless I decide to go for a piece of the action myself. I've dropped out.  Neither Republican or Democrat will have a piece of me.
Under ideal conditions of temperature and pressure the organism will grow without limit.

Offline RE

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Re: Election Errata
« Reply #974 on: April 02, 2019, 08:34:27 AM »
Quote
He left the impression that either he had been running for President all along or that he was still running for senator, or that his unlucky fate as a nationally viable Democratic candidate from a stubbornly red state would condemn him to a Sisyphean struggle of alternately trying for both for the rest of his life.

Sort of looks like a Kennedy and he believes in everything I used to believe in thirty years ago.

Enough Democrats remain to reward his efforts.  For me unless I decide to go for a piece of the action myself. I've dropped out.  Neither Republican or Democrat will have a piece of me.

What would going for a "Piece of the Action" entail?

RE
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